Аннотация: Solzhenitsyn and Brutens. A super-brief review of the book by K. Brutens "Thirty years on the Staraya Square"
Solzhenitsyn and Brutens. A super-brief review of the book by K. Brutens "Thirty years on the Staraya Square"
I have not read in whole the book by K.N. Brutens [Брутенц] (the author is a former first deputy head of the International Division of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and an adviser to the President of the USSR).
Some fragmentes I read carefully and consistently, some in a fast manner, and some remained unread.
Personally, I like the personality of Brutens. Sincere, educated, cultured person, loyal to friends, family man, who loving parents, wife, children. Qualified political scientist. An excellent memoirist. A man with a clear literary talents.
However, the reader's attention is directed not only to the individual, but also to the worldview, to the results of political activity.
After reading the biography of Alexander Solzhenitsyn and the memoirs of Karen Brutens, there is a desire to express a some (a fragmentary) comparisons of these two figures.
Naturally, a detailed comparison requires writing extensive text, which takes a significant amount of time.
Therefore, we will try to be as short as possible. Let place the concept of "Europeanization" at the center of our presentation. The comparison will be carried out on three positions (1) Absence-presence of ability of resistance, (2) Compliance-hostility to baits, (3) a lack of realism.
From about the 30s of the 20th century, the USSR launched a course of forced Europeanization. This course lasted until about the mid-50s - before Khrushchev came to power.
The USSR's course towards Europeanization in the 30-50s of the 20th century was undermined (a) by the flow of events that followed after the victory of the Allies over Japan, and (b) not by the signing in the 1951 the Treaty of San Francisco by the USSR.
Neither Solzhenitsyn nor Brutens fully understood the need for Europeanization of Russia (USSR).
Solzhenitsyn spent his school and student years in the East-Republican cultural environment (in the city of Rostov-on-Don). For him - with such an environment and such a social experience - there was no problem of Europeanization at all.
Brutens spent the early years of his life in Baku. In his memoirs, one can see the idealization of life in Baku - except for the gradual aggravation of interethnic relations.
Solzhenitsyn and Brutens approach an active social role at about the same time as Khrushchev came to power.
During this period, forced Europeanization continues by inertia, but is already losts energy.
Brezhnev's attempt to continue the course of Europeanization through "detente" and other political vectors was weak, indecisive and unsuccessful. Who could Brezhnev rely on in this policy?
"BREZHNEV. ... What was the situation like? Khrushchev threatened - from a shoe to a obscene swearing and missiles. (...) Now it is completely different. For the twelfth year, we have been pursuing one line, an even and consistent policy that has brought [has deliver] to us a confidence [a trust] . " (From the book by K. Brutens). [unofficial translation]
Solzhenitsyn - due to a number of circumstances - moves from the position of a successful officer to the position of a prisoner and demonstrates an enormous level of resistance. But what is his resistance aimed at? ... Abroad, Solzhenitsyn is perceived as the leader of some forces in the USSR, as a kind of leader of the opposition ... Solzhenitsyn has a huge level of resistance. But who does he represent?
Brutens describes a case that took place in Baku - the head of a psychiatric clinic decided to resist the tendency of squeezing out and started an intrigue. The intrigue ended successfully. But in the end, this head of the clinic left Baku for a some city in the Volga region.
According to his first education, K.N. Brutens was a doctor, according to the second one, he was a historian.
Brutens condemned [critized] in his book both the head of the clinic and the policy of squeezing out. But he also left Baku (to Moscow). He, later, will transport his parents from Baku to Moscow.
An interesting story by Solzhenitsyn is how he did not get a Moscow apartment during a short period of rapprochement with Khrushchev.
No less interesting are the stories of K. Brutens about his visits to Cuba and other developing countries. Detailed stories about all sorts of contacts with various political forces of the Third World ... Huge - attractive - prospects opened up ...
By the mid-1980s, the inertia of Europeanization gradually depleted, the inertia, which was created in the 1930s-1950s ... Brezhnev's attempt to resume the policy of Europeanization in a new form failed.
Before 1985, both Solzhenitsyn and Brutens envisioned the future in a completely different way from how events actually began to develop [after 1985]. Their ideas about the USSR (about Russia) turned out to be completely unrealistic.
Alexander Solzhenitsyn noted that after the end of the existence of the USSR, tens of millions of Russian-speaking people remained outside the borders of Russia.
In the book by K. Brutens, the reader sees an endless string of third world countries and their leaders. All of them had access to the UN rostrum.
Did any of them (comrades, friends, brothers!) from the UN rostrum express concern, regret, in relation to the fate of tens of millions?
Concluding this super-short review, I will give some interesting quotes from the book by K. Brutens.
Guinea, 1960. 'The head of one of the editorial offices of Soviet radio - B. - approached me [Brutens] ... He lived with us in the same hotel.
... journalism was not his true profession. But he worked, as it seemed to us, clearly awkward, and besides, he knew French very poorly. He was eager to meet different people, and his first question was invariably "El qui vous etez?" (warped French, something like "Who is you" ["You is who?"]. So, we see a tall handsome black man in a dazzling white elegant suit approaching us, silently shaking hands with those present. He did the same with us, we bowed back.
And only the "radio activist", squeezing the palm of the Negro with both hands, asked his traditional question. Withdrawing his hand and without turning [to radio activist] , the stranger threw over his shoulder: "Sékou Touré" - that was the President of Guinea. " [unofficial translation]
'The Department of Internal Affairs, represented by the Deputy Union Minister B. Elisov. The general, especially at first, behaved too energetically, and I was forced to reprimand him, seeing how he opened the door to the regional committee secretary with almost "foot". With all his behavior he seemed to say: "You are talking there, ..., but I know my business, the real business." The attitude to what was happening was expressed in an exclamation ...: "When will all this [bustle] end?" [unofficial translation]
'In conclusion, I cannot but say that a solid, albeit not a very good legacy has remained from the Soviet Union in the Middle East.
And this can serve as a kind of result of the Soviet Middle East policy. ... We are talking about a ... structure of ties and trusting contacts, which, perhaps, no other state had. For many Arab countries, the USSR has become the number one partner. Its influence in the Middle East was quite comparable to that of the American [influence], despite the incomparability of economic potentials. And it prevented the US from picking up all the Anglo-French heritage in the region. " ... [unofficial translation]
Judging by the book, K. Brutens honestly, responsibly, conscientiously fulfilled the duties that were entrusted to him (in accordance with his understanding of duty and in accordance with his picture of the world).
At beginning, the main potential of Europeanization, which started in the 30s of the 20th century, was exhausted. And now the remaining fragments of Europeanization are being exhausted ...
[Explanation: 'Staraya Square (Russian: Старая площадь Staraya Ploshchad'), literally Old Square, connects Ilyinka Street with Varvarka Gates Square in central Kitai-gorod area of Moscow, Russia. It is not a square in a true sense, but a street, normally closed to regular city traffic. The historical building located at 4 Staraya Square, was the headquarters of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, thus Staraya Square became a symbol for the Party apparatus. Now the building is the headquarters of Presidential Administration of Russia, retaining its symbolic value. It is one of the Central Squares of Moscow forming an arc around Moscow Kremlin and Kitai-gorod.' Wikipedia.]
January 10, 2021 11:50
Translation from Russian into English: January 10, 2021 12:52.
Владимир Владимирович Залесский 'Солженицын и Брутенц. Супер-краткая рецензия на книгу К.Брутенца 'Тридцать лет на Старой Площади''.